Iraqi men give advice to Libyans (also presumably men)

I was a little peeved by this article by Michael Schmidt in the NYT's on advice Iraqis could give to Libyans post "Liberation".

I though the premise was ok, interesting even. The situations are not that similar, but enough so for journalists to make comparisons. But I was extremely disappointed to read that the viewpoints solicited were only from men.

I worked in Iraq for a while. I can think of a few women there that would have some sound advice for Libyans, particularly concerning the erosion of women's rights and the rights of minorities. Are the viewpoints of men the only voices that count? And the Libyans receiving this advice – are they also only men?

There is a paucity of women present in the rebel movement to topple the Ghaddafi regime. I think there is one in the transitional council (responsible for legal AND women's affairs). The violence has taken focus away from the fact that after Ghaddafi, freedom – or liberation as the article puts it - may only exist for men in Libya. Unlike in Egypt where the participation of women in the revolution was lauded, and the exclusion of women from decision making decried, we are extremely silent on what the Libyan revolution means for half the population of the country. There are a few accounts of females fighting or on life at the home front but much of the media coverage only shows men.

I would be extremely interested to see an article showing the views and suggestions of various members of the population, including women, but also of different ages, backgrounds and locations. Iraqis have a lot of advice to share about experiments in statebuilding - male and female.

Make Youth Count in Sudan

This Saturday marks the end of the voting period in a referendum of self-determination for the Southern Sudanese.

No matter what the outcome will be after January 15th, as Sudan moves forward, both the Governments of Sudan and South Sudan, international organisations, donors and all other stakeholders should be mindful to involve all parties (women and men of all ages) in the statebuilding process. They should also be mindful to maintain substantial involvement of the largest demographic, youth, in order for peace to continue into the future.

The government, donor countries and all stakeholders in times of statebuilding implement projects to engage youth to various degrees in attempts ranging from diffusing a potential spoiler group, to building peace. Standard programming ranges from vocational training and employment schemes, to involvement in civil society organisations and youth activities. A wise move, given that according to the Southern Sudan centre for Census, Statistics and Evaluation, 72% of the population of Southern Sudan is under 30 years of age. Youth programming, if well-coordinated and developed in a participatory fashion, can bring together youth from different backgrounds in building a stronger state.

Engagement between different groups of youth, externally but also internally in Southern Sudan, and greater Sudan, will help mend fences broken by decades of conflict. Projects that bridge understanding so that all Sudanese see each other as equals, such as inter-Sudanese peacebuilding projects, online discussions and youth conferences will ease some of the divide. However, youth need other motivations to build and participate in peaceful states. They need jobs. They need to be empowered. They need to feel valued and be heard.

The media spotlight on Sudan means that many have now heard the grim figures and uphill battle that Southern Sudan in particular faces in terms of healthcare, education, jobs and gender equality. Those who have been following the context are aware that a girl in Southern Sudan is more likely to die in childbirth than finish grade school. The illiteracy rate stands at 24% in Southern Sudan and 55% for Sudan as a whole, with immense gender discrepancies. But many are unaware that while the governments in Khartoum and Juba provide the majority of formal employment, there is a growing private sector hungry for educated Sudanese youth that have the prescribed skill sets. Discouragingly, while vocational training does exist, provided by both the government and external organisations, there are no common curriculum or shared certification programs, and the training targets limited numbers. Companies turn to better educated foreigners or returnee Sudanese who were trained outside of the country. They are perceived as more capable and reliable, but also create tension between Sudanese that stayed in Sudan and other groups. Moreover, many of the new businesses started in Southern Sudan are not by Sudanese, but by people from neighbouring countries. Foreign investment and development can be a positive thing, but it must be matched with Sudanese growth, particularly in areas of strength such as farming and animal husbandry. Entrepreneurship and financial support for youth led-business development will also stem some of these concerns, but financial capital must be extended to young people in an effort to promote youth-driven development and in support of youth empowerment in the statebuilding process.

Girls are missing out as well. The Government of Southern Sudan has made a commendable effort in promoting the inclusion of women into the public service, including into male dominated forums such as the Southern Sudanese Police Service. Despite this, girls’ education and involvement in the workforce in Southern Sudan is drastically low. The majority of youth programs are notoriously designed with young boys in mind, stemming from the belief that large groups of idle young men left to their own devices have the potential to become a source of political unrest. Girls are often taken on through promotion of access to education, a tactic that the Government of Canada is using. This is a start, however youth issues are far more complex than this, and links are rarely made between the disempowerment of young girls and cycles of poverty and violence. Education programs coupled with job creation and political and civil society programs targeted at women can help combat early marriage, transmission of STDs, improve maternal and infant health, reduce violence against women and improve society as a whole. Reaching young adolescents and women is key to building a strong and peaceful state. Numbers are better for Sudan as a whole, however fear remains that should the South choose to separate, women’s liberties will move backwards under strict application of Islamic law.

Youth issues are complex and under studied.In Southern Sudan, as well as in the rest of the country, there are generations that have known nothing but varying states of war. Although some have been demobilised, there are youth, both men and women, in large militias and armed forces on both sides. Some point to the so called “youth bulge” in a fragile state context such as the one in Sudan as one that will lead to unrest. I’m inconclusive. What I do know, is that this, compounded with a feeling of exclusion from the political process, perpetrated by corrupt governments, and little economic and employment growth will cause problems for future Sudanese state(s). Governments and other stakeholders need to be holistic in their approach, and listen to the youth.

Wikileaks – What does this mean for humanitarian aid and development?

I haven’t had a lot of time to focus on external writing, and in truth I would rather spend my time focusing on a good post for 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence (which will happen – the 6th is my personal deadline). However, the fallout or I guess potential fallout for people in the field of development and humanitarian aid could be quite big from this Wikileaks fiasco. I’ll admit I find the whole thing entertaining to read – it’s a bit like an OK! for politicos. And for the most part it says what everyone who is mildly intelligent and mildly follows international politics already knew – it was just never put in writing.

Will this have an effect of development funding and activities? Funding – unsure. I can’t see why states would use this to lower their aid budgets. If anything – it may open them up a bit wider to repair damage. What it could do is make access more difficult. Quiet diplomacy just had a pie thrown in its face and this could result in difficulties for aid agencies and other NGOs in certain areas to get permission to operate, acquire visas for international staff, and have activities approved by their host governments. It will be interesting to see what happens in this regard over the next year.

There has been some writing on what this means for people who work in development – they write much better than I, so here’s two gloomy articles.

-[Guardian] How Wikileaks could affect the USG and international development funding.
-[Globe and Mail] Wikileaks made the world more repressive