Iraqi men give advice to Libyans (also presumably men)

I was a little peeved by this article by Michael Schmidt in the NYT's on advice Iraqis could give to Libyans post "Liberation".

I though the premise was ok, interesting even. The situations are not that similar, but enough so for journalists to make comparisons. But I was extremely disappointed to read that the viewpoints solicited were only from men.

I worked in Iraq for a while. I can think of a few women there that would have some sound advice for Libyans, particularly concerning the erosion of women's rights and the rights of minorities. Are the viewpoints of men the only voices that count? And the Libyans receiving this advice – are they also only men?

There is a paucity of women present in the rebel movement to topple the Ghaddafi regime. I think there is one in the transitional council (responsible for legal AND women's affairs). The violence has taken focus away from the fact that after Ghaddafi, freedom – or liberation as the article puts it - may only exist for men in Libya. Unlike in Egypt where the participation of women in the revolution was lauded, and the exclusion of women from decision making decried, we are extremely silent on what the Libyan revolution means for half the population of the country. There are a few accounts of females fighting or on life at the home front but much of the media coverage only shows men.

I would be extremely interested to see an article showing the views and suggestions of various members of the population, including women, but also of different ages, backgrounds and locations. Iraqis have a lot of advice to share about experiments in statebuilding - male and female.

Egypt! Where are the women?!

As the Egyptian government is transformed a great opportunity presents itself. Women are often excluded or at the very least underrepresented in state affairs, peace processes and statebuilding exercises. Egypt is presented with an opportunity to buck the trend and involve women in the formation of their new state governing apparatus. A democratic reform process has the aim of creating a freer, fairer governing apparatus that respects the rights and will of all people, including women. This end goal is impossible without the inclusion of women, a point recognised and highlighted internationally through the Beijing Declaration and subsequent UN resolutions. Yet women still remain excluded. Journalist and political commentator Mona Eltahawy tweeted on 14 February that despite women being active in the Egyptian revolution, they have been all but excluded from talks with the military. Only one woman, Asmaa Mahfouz, who’s Vlogs are cited as one of the drivers of the youth movement, was present at talks between youth organisers and the military. Egypt and other stakeholders need to recognise the importance of having a balanced perspective when building a new governance structure. Egypt can provide women with an equal voice, unprecedented in that region (or further afield for that matter). Let us support women activists in having their voices heard.

Palestinian Papers. Israel. Win.

The Palestinian Papers released gives insight into Middle East negotiations, and have been interpreted as a blow to the old guard of the PA. An article by Chatham House’s Kate Nevens and Jessica Forsythe sums up the fear of western stakeholders that this will increase support for Hamas, and also stoke violent resistance again against Israel from the West Bank, but also further a field in Jordan, Lebanon, and Egypt. Much of this is agreed. There is already widespread disenchantment from Palestinians with Fatah, but also with the political situation in general. Many also do not see Hamas as a viable option wither… just worth a shot in the face limited options. More importantly, reports are ignoring the elephant in the room. The easy win the Israeli government has received from these accounts of historic concessions. With support for Fatah split, Hamas may gain more power, but less of a bargaining chip with western stakeholders. Palestinian political groups disenfranchised on a whole could very well revolt against both guards. What we could be faced with is in internal struggle in the West Bank between multiple power brokers, making oppression easier. Likely in the name of security. Hopefully, this is recognised early, and alternatives are presented. A good start would be for the PA to cycle in some new blood, and at risk of sounding like a broken record, give greater voice to younger party members. Additionally, moderate leaders in general need to embrace new methods of communication and news sources rather than attacking it, to allow for more democratic input into next steps as well as to monitor activity throughout the territories by all groups. (See a great OpEd by Naserine Malik in the Guardian on Al Jazeera). The more open and transparent Palestinian leaders can be right now, the better, in order to reduce the opportunity for violence and extremism.

In other news. Have you been watching Egypt? Oh. And how about Lebanon?

Make Youth Count in Sudan

This Saturday marks the end of the voting period in a referendum of self-determination for the Southern Sudanese.

No matter what the outcome will be after January 15th, as Sudan moves forward, both the Governments of Sudan and South Sudan, international organisations, donors and all other stakeholders should be mindful to involve all parties (women and men of all ages) in the statebuilding process. They should also be mindful to maintain substantial involvement of the largest demographic, youth, in order for peace to continue into the future.

The government, donor countries and all stakeholders in times of statebuilding implement projects to engage youth to various degrees in attempts ranging from diffusing a potential spoiler group, to building peace. Standard programming ranges from vocational training and employment schemes, to involvement in civil society organisations and youth activities. A wise move, given that according to the Southern Sudan centre for Census, Statistics and Evaluation, 72% of the population of Southern Sudan is under 30 years of age. Youth programming, if well-coordinated and developed in a participatory fashion, can bring together youth from different backgrounds in building a stronger state.

Engagement between different groups of youth, externally but also internally in Southern Sudan, and greater Sudan, will help mend fences broken by decades of conflict. Projects that bridge understanding so that all Sudanese see each other as equals, such as inter-Sudanese peacebuilding projects, online discussions and youth conferences will ease some of the divide. However, youth need other motivations to build and participate in peaceful states. They need jobs. They need to be empowered. They need to feel valued and be heard.

The media spotlight on Sudan means that many have now heard the grim figures and uphill battle that Southern Sudan in particular faces in terms of healthcare, education, jobs and gender equality. Those who have been following the context are aware that a girl in Southern Sudan is more likely to die in childbirth than finish grade school. The illiteracy rate stands at 24% in Southern Sudan and 55% for Sudan as a whole, with immense gender discrepancies. But many are unaware that while the governments in Khartoum and Juba provide the majority of formal employment, there is a growing private sector hungry for educated Sudanese youth that have the prescribed skill sets. Discouragingly, while vocational training does exist, provided by both the government and external organisations, there are no common curriculum or shared certification programs, and the training targets limited numbers. Companies turn to better educated foreigners or returnee Sudanese who were trained outside of the country. They are perceived as more capable and reliable, but also create tension between Sudanese that stayed in Sudan and other groups. Moreover, many of the new businesses started in Southern Sudan are not by Sudanese, but by people from neighbouring countries. Foreign investment and development can be a positive thing, but it must be matched with Sudanese growth, particularly in areas of strength such as farming and animal husbandry. Entrepreneurship and financial support for youth led-business development will also stem some of these concerns, but financial capital must be extended to young people in an effort to promote youth-driven development and in support of youth empowerment in the statebuilding process.

Girls are missing out as well. The Government of Southern Sudan has made a commendable effort in promoting the inclusion of women into the public service, including into male dominated forums such as the Southern Sudanese Police Service. Despite this, girls’ education and involvement in the workforce in Southern Sudan is drastically low. The majority of youth programs are notoriously designed with young boys in mind, stemming from the belief that large groups of idle young men left to their own devices have the potential to become a source of political unrest. Girls are often taken on through promotion of access to education, a tactic that the Government of Canada is using. This is a start, however youth issues are far more complex than this, and links are rarely made between the disempowerment of young girls and cycles of poverty and violence. Education programs coupled with job creation and political and civil society programs targeted at women can help combat early marriage, transmission of STDs, improve maternal and infant health, reduce violence against women and improve society as a whole. Reaching young adolescents and women is key to building a strong and peaceful state. Numbers are better for Sudan as a whole, however fear remains that should the South choose to separate, women’s liberties will move backwards under strict application of Islamic law.

Youth issues are complex and under studied.In Southern Sudan, as well as in the rest of the country, there are generations that have known nothing but varying states of war. Although some have been demobilised, there are youth, both men and women, in large militias and armed forces on both sides. Some point to the so called “youth bulge” in a fragile state context such as the one in Sudan as one that will lead to unrest. I’m inconclusive. What I do know, is that this, compounded with a feeling of exclusion from the political process, perpetrated by corrupt governments, and little economic and employment growth will cause problems for future Sudanese state(s). Governments and other stakeholders need to be holistic in their approach, and listen to the youth.

What the CBBCs comment actually means

NATO official Mark Sedwill, in an interview for the CBBC program “Growing Up in a Warzone” stated "Here in Kabul and the other big cities (in Afghanistan) actually there are very few of those bombs. The children are probably safer here than they would be in London, New York or Glasgow or many other cities." The comment has caused a stir across the western media and outcries from public councils and humanitarian aid agencies, such as Save the Children.

Mr. Sedwill later tried to diffuse the statement, saying that it was not very well put. And he’s right – it wasn’t. But the essence of what he was trying to say is important. The news often distorts day-to-day life of people living in conflict affected areas. In states affected with armed conflict, not every moment of every day, in every location, is there life threatening danger. Pocketed and fragmented fighting is localised and that often means a good chunk of a state is relatively safe for people to go about their daily routines. What is more, general crime rates can be lower in these areas, as well as the lure of dangerous activities such as drugs and alcohol. Finally, societal bonds are stronger, with a neighbourhood formed to mimic a large family – meaning many people are looking out for your wellbeing, rather than the isolation that is becoming a norm in Western cities. Because of this, it can be argued that if one looks at a child’s access in the city, and the safety net surrounding them – in many cases it may be on par or better than life for a child in some of the West’s more notorious cities. This is a question of physical security.

Indeed, the plight of children in developing areas – particularly in fragile and conflict affected states – fair far worse on a human security level. Save the Children noted that 1 in 4 Afghan children will not live to see their 5th birthday, and UNICEF in 2009 declared it the most dangerous place to be a child. There are greater barriers to life saving health care and nutrition in these areas. Gender equality is at a greater disparity, and so is access to education. But what Sedwill’s statement should have done is allowed us (and kids) to review our perceptions of what safety is and what it can be to others. Moreover, it reminds us all that people around the world are not so different from each other – and face similar problems.

NGO's Pawns in Terrorism?

This is a pretty comprehensive- yet cynical view - of international NGO activities in conflict and post conflict areas from The New Republic. I wrote a post last May introducing the SPOT requirement on all US government funding in Iraq and Afghanistan (and possibly to be implemented in Somalia... and everywhere?!). It stands for Synchronized Predeployment and Operational Tracker This requirement requires all US contractors (including INGOs) to provide the US government and the military with the GPS location of all programs and the names, positions and nationalities of all staff so that the military can keep tabs on all activity and movement (including movement in, out and around the country).

There are some major points of concern here. The first is the close association this put INGOs in with the US military. It runs counter to a lot of impartial and neutral stances of many of the major players. Close association with the US government can put beneficiaries in danger of attack from non-us friendly actors. Secondly, it reduces the capacity of donors like USAID to collect information effectively. This has been highlighted by the GAO. I know that despite a concerted effort from NGO consortiums like InterAction, a few INGOs have signed contracts (whether they knew it was in there or not) which include SPOT. Contributing further to the bleak situation David Rieff paints.

A good point that is brought up in the article is the fact that in countries such as Afghanistan and Iraq, the goal is not really development but national security. The budgets are simply not high enough to actually conduct development per say. Moreover, one needs to look at the types of civil society and governance programs that are actually funded here. In Iraq, programs such as the Community Action Program (CAP) which was in its third incarnation during my time, was in all matter of fact a way for the government to provide lots of material stuff to communities so that they would not hate what is happening to the country - Despite what the NGO (or development company in some cases) intended it to be. Another gem included a 2 year nation-wide peacebuilding program (peace in Iraq... in 2 years!) that was intended to be a front for counter insurgency information.

I wouldn't go as far to say that NGOs are pawns. Many know exactly what is going on and fight it continuously with lobbying. In regards to SPOT it may actually work (inshallah). The US administration is reviewing how USAID operates and SPOT seems to be on the list for review after it was blasted by the GAO. However the cynicism is warranted.

Mixing Aid with Military

An interesting article in Slate Magazine from the Washington Post appeared this week, and continues my discussion on the mixing of military and civilian organizations in humanitarian aid work.

As per previous posts (namely the one where I went on and on about the humanitarian code of conduct vs. the USG plans to implement SPOT), I do not agree with the blurriness that continues between where military ends and the humanitarian work begins. This article, written by Anna Huskarska from the International Rescue Committee in Afghanistan further highlights the problems facing aid agencies in even receiving credit for their work or their committment to the communities and countries in which they operate.

Huskarska writes of a school opening of the CAI (famous from the book "Three Cups of Tea") depicted by Thomas Friedman of the New York Times in Aghanistan shows how the hard work of agencies can often be used as a means to show the "good donations" (=work) of the donors - and now in many cases in post-conflict settings, the military. This associations leads one to believe that without the US government (or any other donor agency)secular schools for children would not be built (and everything will go to hell in a handbag!), ignoring the longstanding relationships and commitment of the community and the aid agency to the project and the area.

This is not to say that some credit for donation is not due to a donor. However, activities such as this should be more of a celebration of the community rather than the aid aganecy or the donor agency - and it should most certainly not include the military.

The Afghanistan experience parallels that of Iraq, where military representative from Provincial Reconstruction Teams are often present at events. This gives the impression to the local community that none of this was possible without "us giving you freedom". If the military goes away - so do all these nice projects. Scary.

To move away from this, strict policies can be put in place to ensure that this association is not made. Low profile security in dangerous areas, strict rules about "no guns" (which are also applied to your donor), and refusal to work with the military (including PRTs). This helps to distance an agency from these associations, and to quote the title of the article - give "credit where credit's due".